We are in Black History Month in the United Kingdom, and it feels like it’s time for a re-evaluation. Throughout its history, an event that started out as a celebration and reminder of the past, cultural identity and bonds between Black populations worldwide, has taken on a commercial tone, growing to encompass events where Black people are paid to speak with white audiences about “unconscious bias” and active solidarity. The anti-racism rallies of the last decade generated a rise in the business of displaying cultural sensitivity. But even that moment has passed. The tide has crested, resulting in a somewhat empty inheritance of what raising awareness is for.
Initially celebrated in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with seven days of commemoration and observance in the second week of February. Black History Month grew out of this campaign and was officially launched in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the United States and Canada in winter, but also in October in the UK, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of Ireland and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The period has transformed since its inception, focusing less on the histories of transatlantic enslavement and fights for racial justice, and more on influential individuals of color in public life, creative fields, and advocacy, and extensively acknowledging the contribution Black people have made to mold society. It is in schools where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with talks and cultural events. But the manner the celebration is observed is a reflection of the political moment. How it develops is a instructive case in how co-option leads to weakening: the reshaping of Black History Month has impeded the purpose of it, which is to tackle embedded and established prejudice.
Few things illustrate how crucial it is to reconsider Black History Month better than the current time in which it occurs this year. In the UK, a revitalized conservative movement in the form of the Reform party is top in opinion ratings. In the summer we saw the biggest extreme right demonstration in the history of Britain. Kemi Badenoch, the Black leader of the right-wing political group, is a staunch adversary of the racial justice movement, and we are in a position where a legislator feels emboldened to state that a lack of white people in parts of a city is a cause for alarm. At the same time, extreme conservative groups are surging in the EU as a entirety.
In the United States, a colossal assault against DEI and affirmative action has been taken, often successfully, to the supreme judicial bodies of the state. A campaign to erase Black history and narrative from the archives is ongoing. One of the political figure's first executive orders aimed at the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the Smithsonian Institution, accusing them of a coordinated and broad attempt to change the national past” by representing the nation “as naturally discriminatory”.
Given these circumstances, the month symbolises how minimally it can be effective if it is confined to either dutiful corporate observances, or depoliticized festivities of contributions in the past, rather than confronting the conditions of the contemporary world. It also demonstrates how its restricted time span means that it is disconnected from the broader ongoing work that is required. A university professor, a educator at University of Greenwich, expressed it perfectly when she expressed apprehension about the temporary “tokenism” of the observance. “The problem with taking a tokenistic approach”, she wrote, “is that it often means that Black History Month becomes a fleeting performance rather than a driver of transformation.”
Figuring out how to adapt, revise and extend efforts for racial equality and recognition in such times of discouragement and concern is a difficult task. There is a temptation to just discontinue events including Black History Month completely, thinking they are no longer suitable, or are remnants of an era that has failed to deliver.
But despite everything, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and tradition of campaigns for equality – grassroots Black Lives Matter organisations, DEI programs, and indeed, including corporate presentations – constitute an infrastructure that a lot of work has been invested in. It is there not just to decay as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, regresses), but to be a dynamic entity.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month appear as? Firstly, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is dispersed throughout the annual calendar (as some institutions are already commencing), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) included in academic syllabi. It would also be a time that does not shy away from political issues, and allows opportunity for individuals, particularly youth, to air their fears and experiences. What value has basic knowledge of the past when it ignores the present reality of extreme conservative demonstrations in the urban areas? Organizations who mark it should not be pacified with the passive language of “unconscious bias” and alertness to subtle slights, but faced with the risks that face all if anti-racism is not approached earnestly. To summarize, Black History Month should be made contemporary, pressing, and reactive. It could be that an total re-identification is necessary – Contemporary Black History Month.